A Faustian Bargain

Consequence of poor leadership: G. N. Azad, during his tenure as the CM, treats a few Jammu based Kashmiri Pandit (KP) leaders to free meals and membership in the "Working Groups" constituted by New Delhi, and in return seals the deal for permanent exile of KP's in Jagti.

RISING KASHMIR

Govt Settling Pandits in Jammu

4200 allotments begin from Dec

Srinagar, Oct 15: The government will start the allotment process for over 4,000 flats for Kashmiri Pandit migrants at Jagti in Jammu district from December, officials said.


They said the process of allotment of the 4,200 two-room flats, constructed under the Prime Minister's Rehabilitation Plan, is likely to begin in December this year.

The government has constructed 4,218 two-room flats at Jagti in Nagrota area of Jammu for those Kashmiri Pandit migrants who are living in one-room dwellings provided to them. Those migrants who have acquired their own houses will not be considered for the houses, they said.


The relief organisation, created for welfare of the Kashmiri migrants following the eruption of militancy in the Valley in 1990, has started a verification process after reports that some migrants were holding on to one-room dwellings even after acquiring their own houses.
"As per the present policy, migrants who have shifted to their own houses shall not qualify for allotment of two-room tenements as these are meant only for those families who do not own any residential accommodation in Jammu," they said.


The officials said the verification process in this regard is in full swing and is likely to be completed by mid-November. “While preference will be given to migrant families living in camps and one-room tenements, the state government will frame a separate policy to allot the left over flats to those migrant families living in rented accommodation,” they added.

"As You Sow, So Shall You Reap"

Sajad describes one aspect of the havoc caused by mindless hartals imposed by Separatists

(Mr. Sajad Kralyari, 28, was born in Kralyar, Srinagar. He had his early schooling at the General Public Mission (GPM) School, and his higher secondary education from the Government High School. He completed his B.Sc. from the Gandhi Memorial College, Rainawari, Srinagar, and Master's degree in journalism from the Media Educational Research Centre (MERC), University of Kashmir in 2008. He subsequently did a brief stint in New Delhi before returning as a correspondent for the Rising Kashmir, working on business and economy related stories.)

Concern - Kashmir Halt May Trigger Job Crisis

Srinagar: At least 60,000 workers in Kashmir’s tourism sector are likely to lose their jobs, if the prevailing unrest continues in the valley.

Around 10,000 employees in micro and medium-size industries also face the axe. Besides, 300 business establishments are on the verge of going solvent as they are unable to pay debt, pay off loans, wages, tariffs and taxes.

There are 3,500 hotels with at least 25,000 rooms with zero-occupancy due to continuing curfews, restrictions and shutdowns.

“At least one lakh employees are associated with the hotel industry in the valley. We have to bear their salaries without having any work. Now the disturbance has entered third month and we paying all electricity bill, taxes, and giving salaries to our employees. If the situation continues, I fear it would lead to mass lay off by the hoteliers,” said Senior Vice President Kashmir Hotels and Restaurant Owners Federation (KHAROF), Faiz Ahmad Baskhi.

“We get no enquires now from tourists which means there are no tourist for us up to May next year. This will lead to sacking of at least 50,000 employees,” said Bakshi.

Likewise, the tour and travel operators are also thinking of purging their employees if the unrest prolongs.

At least 4000 employees are working with about 600 registered tour and travel operators in the valley.

“We have to pay at least Rs 8000 per month on an average to each employee. With not tourist arrival, we can’t pay their salary. The lay-off of the employees has already started,” said one of the office bearers of a local travel agents associations, wishing not to be named.

Around 300 business units are also on the verge of going solvent as they are unable to pay debt, tariff and wages to their employers. Besides, the unpredictable situation in the valley has also cast its shadow on the future investment here.

“We have revived some 300 units for the past several years after seeking soft loans from the government and the banks but now they will again go sick. Their accounts have turned into non-performing assets. They have to pay back loan besides other expenses,” said President Federation Chambers of Industries Kashmir (FCIK) Shakeel Qalander.

Qalander said around 1000 units are set to lay off at least 10,000 employees.

“It is not possible for them to pay their workers. They will lay off their employees,” he said.

Qalander said the investment of around Rs 200 crore is in pipeline for setting up of small scale to medium-size units which may also get affected.

“We were really happy to see some good business establishments coming up here including two polymer units at industrial area Lassipora, steel rolling mills besides hatchery and plywood units. But the present unrest has cast doubt over their take off,” said President FCIK.

Notably, the ESSAR group of industries had already started Jammu and Kashmir’s first International Business Process Outsourcing company which would generate 4,000 jobs in the state. So far no employees have been laid off but its functioning has been badly affected.

“Presently, 235 employees are working with this company here and no one has been fired. However, work has got affected. I will try my best to let the company stay here only,” said ESSAR’s JK President Zahoor Malik.

The Good Life (for Kashmir's Ministers)

Imagine without federal oversight (as demanded by Azadi seekers) how worse the situation will get!


J-K Spent Rs 9 cr on Ministers’ Pads

Bashaarat Masood (Indian Express)

In the past three years, the National Conference-Congress coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir has spent more than Rs nine crore on renovation and facelift of 42 official residences of ministers, legislators and bureaucrats — in brazen violation of its own rules.

Some Rs 3.4 crore have been spent on renovation of 18 official residences in Jammu and about Rs 5.88 crore on 24 houses in Srinagar, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah informed the Assembly on Saturday.

Renovation of the two official residences of Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rather in Jammu and Srinagar has cost the most — a little over Rs one crore.

This is in violation the government’s November 11, 2009 order that states that a maximum of Rs 18 lakh can be spent to renovate a Cabinet minister’s bungalow over a period of six years.

Rs 15 lakh can be spent on the bungalows of junior ministers and Rs 10 lakh and Rs five lakh respectively on the houses of commissioner secretaries and secretaries to the state government.

In the past three years, the government has also spent Rs 59.51 lakh to renovate the Srinagar bungalow of Medical Education Minister R S Chib and Rs 40.88 lakh, including Rs 17.20 lakh in the current financial year, on Minister of State for Haj and Auqauf Minister Ajaz Khan’s bungalow.

The state government has also spent Rs 18.20 lakh to give a face-lift to the J&K Bank guest house at Zeethyar in Srinagar. The guest house was used by former Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad as his official residence.

In Jammu, Rs 27.63 lakh have been spent on the bungalow of Deputy Chief Minister Tara Chand, Rs 20.05 lakh on junior minister Nasir Aslam Wani’s residence, Rs 30.27 on Social Welfare Minister Sakina Itoo’s residence and Rs 31.81 lakh on Education Minister Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed’s bungalow.

Did Omar Abdullah Really Say Something New? Two Competing Perspectives From the Valley

Rafiuddin suggests Omar Abdullah made a historic statement to restore his legitimacy. That may be so, but what he said - was it really historic? Fayyaz challenges that contention.

Point and Counter-Point by two eminent valley journalists

(Syed Rafiuddin Bukhari, 72, was born in Kreri in Baramulla District. He is the Editor-in-Chief of the Kashmir Media Group that publishes the English daily, Rising Kashmir, and soon-to-be launched Urdu daily, Bulund Kashmir. He had his early education in Sopore, Beerwah and then in Srinagar where from he got his post-graduate degree in English from the University of Jammu and Kashmir, and took up job as a teacher in higher education department. He taught English in various colleges in Kashmir took voluntary retirement in 1995 as Professor. Even though not a professional journalist by training, he has been extremely successful in the field, launching SANGARMAL, the first ever multi-coloured Kashmiri newspaper from Srinagar which is now in its fourth year. Later in 2008, he created the Kashmir Media Group. His interests are reading and writing and building value based institutions.

Mr. Ahmed Ali Fayyaz, 48, was born in Bodina, Budgam, and received his primary and secondary education in Budgam and later at Amar Singh College, Srinagar. He completed his Master's degree in Kashmiri language and literature from the University of Kashmir in 1987. After working with Rashtriya Sahara and Kashmir Times in 1993-94, and later for 13 years as Srinagar Bureau Chief of Daily Excelsior, he is woking as Resident Editor/ Srinagar Bureau Chief of Jammu-based English daily Early Times since April 2009. He is also a filmmaker whose forte in audio-visual media is Kashmir's composite culture, heritage, ecology and social issues. Since February 2008, he has been regularly anchoring Take One Television's bi-weekly hard talk show "Face To Face With Ahmed Ali Fayyaz" which is watched by more than three million viewers in Srinagar, Jammu and other urban areas of Jammu & Kashmir.)

...and Omar condones Azadi

Syed Rafiuddin Bukhari

Chief Minister Omar Abdullah’s unusual but historical speech in Jammu and Kashmir Assembly on October 6 has kick-started a controversy over state’s relationship with New Delhi. The statement that questions the foundation of accession with India has set a new discourse on the subject that too at the time when New Delhi is grappling with many issues connected with this contentious problem.

Omar is himself facing the toughest challenge of his political career as the unrest with which valley is enveloped has not only taken lives of 110 civilians but put the Valley backwards in every direction. His priority at this juncture is to restore the order, which gives him legitimacy to remain in power. He is under fire from all quarters for what they believe is mishandling of situation taking Kashmir to a new edge. But the support he has been receiving from Government of India and more significantly from Gandhi family is crucial to his continuance in the high office.

During the past over three months, Omar has given an impression of flip-flop if his statements are taken into consideration. From hurling “virtual threats” to people for co-operating with security forces in enforcing curfew by stating that “Taali ek haath se nahin bajti” (it makes to two tonga) to his repeated assertions that this agitation would bring nothing but misery, it needs to understand the timing and necessity to decipher the assembly speech.

Omar’s assertion that Kashmir was an international dispute and that state had not merged but only acceded has in otherwise given legitimacy to people’s movement for “Azadi”. And the reaction from Separatist both hard-liners and moderates in that backdrop is not surprising at all. Whether Omar was speaking from heart or his “outburst” was to gain sympathy from the people with whom he has been at war for past 12 weeks, is difficult to understand at this juncture. Only time will tell whether he means it and in case he does not retract under pressure, it will be seen as “authenticity” of a cry that has taken over everything in Kashmir.

But playing Devil’s Advocate, one can look back and see that how the politicians have easily used these jargons to hoodwink people’s opinion from time to time. Here one can go through pages of history to only see how these “timely changes” have been the trademark of Omar’s grandfather Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah or his father Farooq Abdullah. Even other National Conference leaders have taken on Delhi to send a message across that they care for “people’s aspirations”. Sheikh Abdullah’s 22 year long “struggle” for Plebiscite is a glaring example of how he behaved when thrown out of power. Infact the inkling about the “maltreatment” Sheikh would be met with was evident before August 9 episode of 1953 when his close confidant Mirza Afzal Being spoke in the same assembly almost on the same lines. That was also taken by Delhi with a pinch of salt and soon after Sheikh was dethroned. Mufti Sayeed also gave a dimension to this type of politics by introducing passive separatism to remain relevant with the people. Whether Omar will meet the same fate as the BJP and other parties have lit fire on this cannot be judged right now as people are sceptical here as always given the fact the politicians have lost credibility among masses. Many would argue that Omar would have got a prior sanction from Delhi for taking such a line, but would they go to the extent of asking him to question the accession is a million dollar question. Omar’s father is a known Indian who recently told the Parliament that “India was inscribed in all the four parts of heart of every Kashmiri”. But he is also known for changing colours. In November 2007 he stunned people by saying “People like Farooq Abdullah will also have to start thinking twice about it whether we right, is our accession to the nation - done by my father or by Maharaja Hari Singh - absolutely straight and right. Because what these Army people are doing is trying to harm us who stand with the nation." It was in response to excesses by the Army. Again in December that year aired the same views almost questioning the wisdom behind acceding to India.

What Omar Abdullah did is somehow different from his lineage, as he is known for taking a stand, which he can hardly dilute later. Amid suspicion that he might have taken this “extreme step” to “save his eroded image”, he has given a new direction to the whole process New Delhi has taken into hand. It is not difficult to comprehend that in the given circumstances GoI may not afford to project Kashmir issue this way. With Foreign Minister S M Krishna even questioning Pakistan’s legitimacy of control over Pakistan Administered Kashmir in New York recently, the State Assembly echoing with the view the separatist or Pakistan have been airing puts New Delhi in a bind.
Not only that the point of reference for any discussion on Kashmir would be Omar’s historical speech as introduced to media by State Information department, but the timing of this “new discourse” from the biggest pro-India party is surely to influence the forthcoming visit of US President Barrack Obama. New Delhi has been trying hard to give an impression that Kashmir was not an issue, which should invite full time attention of US or United Nations at this juncture, and Obama’s visit cannot go without noticing the “flashpoint” which is at the edge for over past three months. Has Omar Abdullah provided fodder for such an attention certainly deserves consideration?

Moreover the task for group of interlocutors takes a different shape now. So far the threads, which they could pick, were not necessarily linked to the international dispute theory and could easily go around issues, which could not make Kashmir a “threatening” dispute. But with Omar setting a tone it is not easy for GoI appointed interlocutors to ignore the reality, which come from the floor of the state assembly, which New Delhi sells as the representative body of people of Jammu and Kashmir. Omar’s historical speech might have caused ripples within Congress circles but for seeing it to confirm what BJP has been crying the party has chosen to downplay it. It may face this music in the elections and may not necessarily cast a shadow over the health of NC-Congress alliance here but it is difficult for UPA government to ward off the disputed nature of Kashmir issue in view of credibility lend to by none other than the elected chief minister of the state.



Who is not a Separatist in Kashmir?

Ahmed Ali Fayyaz

Srinagar: This is now a million dollar question to answer that who is not separatist in Kashmir after Chief Minister Omar Abdullah made his historic speech on the floor of assembly on October 6 . The points he (CM) justified on the floor of the state assembly were no different from what Syed Ali Shah Gillani and other separatist leaders have been raising for decades. In his speech, Omar clarified that calling Jammu and Kashmir state as an integral part of India commonly known as (Atoot Ang) was not correct as per the accession agreement . He also declared "Kashmir" as an international dispute which was the long pending demand of hard line Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Even in recent past, Geelani released his five point demands as precondition for restoring time being peace in the state. In his five points, accepting Kashmir as an international dispute was at the first number.

In fact, this is not some thing new in Kashmir politics. Looking back to the history of Kashmir since 1947 one finds that every Kashmiri politician started his career with separatism and ended with a power deal in Delhi . Let us start with the tallest leader of his times Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, grand father of present CM Omar Abdullah, who started his political career as separatist leader when he launched a movement against then Dogra family rule . Though he succeeded to get the people of the state liberated from the Dogra slavery but he continued his separatist attitude even after signing an accession pact with India. History says, when ever Sheikh Abdullah felt loosing his grip on the power by any means, he raised Kashmir issue by challenging the accession pact saying that the agreement with India was temporary . With this tactic, Sheikh always killed two birds with one stone . On one hand Sheikh made his electorates to realize that he was not puppet of Indian government and wanted to fight for "Azaadi" , an emotional slogan , on the other hand Sheikh used to send threatening signals to the government of India that if they ignored him,he could withdraw the accession pact . Not only, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah , even the other Kashmiri leaders who came in power in the state of Jammu and Kashmir on different platforms had their roots in separatism . For instance , Bakshi Gulam Mohammad who had been prime minister of the state after Sheikh was jailed was front runner leader of Sheikh's Muslim Conference which was later converted in to National Conference . Similarly , Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq and others were also members of Sheikh Abdullah's Muslim Conference in the early age of their politics . Muslim Conference was the first separatist organisation of the state which fought against the Dogra rule . However , it was converted in to National Conference in late thirties when India managed a power deal with Sheikh.

One can understand the sentiments of Kashmir constituency by taking the example of former Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Syeed. Although Mufti Mohammad Syeed enjoyed a portfolio of Union home minister in centre but he was never taken seriously by the Kashmiri people untill 1999 when he left Delhi and landed in Srinagar with a popular old Kashmiri slogan 'Kashmir Issue'. Playing tacit politics, Mufti pitched his fire brand daughter Mehbooba Mufti in the field with all freedom that matched with the sentiments of Kashmiris .She almost hijacked all slogans of Separatist amalgam Hurriyat Conference. And she succeed to install her 'PAPA' as CM of the state in 2002 which was the long cherished dream of senior Mufti Sahib . She continued her campaign and managed to grab almost double the seats in 2008 elections as compared to 2002.

So, this is not something new in the Kashmir politics that Chief Minister Omar Abdullah raised the Kashmir issue and declared accession of the state with country temporary . Observers are of the opinion that Omar raised this slogan after he felt the ground slipping under his feet and tried to give an impression to his electorates that he was not puppet of Delhi as was projected by his opponents in the past few months . It is also said that the separatist slogan was raised by CM Omar Abdullah after due permission from Delhi . Because , in the past few months Delhi used all its channels and means to bridge the alienation gap between Omar and common masses. And this is the part of Delhi strategy . Moreover , he also wanted to sideline his opposition PDP which was gaining support due to its Kashmir stand.

In fact, all the Kashmiri leaders have always exploited the people of the state in the name of Kashmir issue and AZADI just to reach at the power chair. For reasons apparent, it is very difficult to identify a single politician in Kashmir valley particularly who is not separatist . One can categorise them in various forms but can not ignore or overlook their separatist approach. Needless to mention there are three types of separatists in Kashmir. One, hard line separatists , moderate separatists and mainstream separatists . The hard line and moderate separatist both do not believe in Indian constitution , but the mainstream separatists are those who play separatist card only to achieve the power. One can put Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah in mainstream separatist category and there is no need to worry on their any slogan.

Trashing of Kashmir

Tariq exposes a serious environmental hazard near the Wular Lake


Bio-medical Waste Dumped Near Wular Lake

Tariq Rasool (Rising Kashmir)


Bandipora: Flouting the guidelines of bio-medical waste management, the Municipal Committee here is dumping the trash generated at district hospital and health centres near the world famous Wular Lake.

The district lacks the bio-medical waste treatment plant forcing the Committee to dump the material near the lake, which according to experts was not only polluting the water body, but was dangerous for the local populace.

“The waste gets mixed with other solid trash disposed in the Lake vicinity, which most of the times gets drained into the water body,” an environmentalist told Greater Kashmir adding the pollution level in the lake had shown a steep rise.

According to the health experts, the bio-medical waste if not disposed off properly could be misused. “The waste could be collected by rag pickers and misused later on,” health experts warned adding that sharp waste could be dangerous if picked by children.

He said the area lacks the facility for scientific disposable of bio-medical waste. “Despite the fact that many private nursing homes and chemists shops have come up in the area, the government has failed to establish a treatment plant,” he said.

An official working in the district hospital told Greater Kashmir that there was no plan to install an incinerator.

District Executive Officer Bandipora Municipality, Abdul Rashid Shah said “we have sent a proposal to the government for setting up of dumping site.” “All the bio-medical waste will be disposed off scientifically after setting up of the dumping site,” he said.

Should Minorities Exist Only to be Seen and Not Heard?

Author has a public exchange with a Greater Kashmir Columnist who justifies pelting stones at the author because of what I said. My rebuttal, followed by the original commentary follows

(PLEASE NOTE THAT MY WORDS MARKED IN ITALICS WERE DELETED BY THE GREATER KASHMIR.)


http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/2010/Oct/9/vijay-sazawal-responds-to-a-m-zargar-s-article-14.asp


Vijay Sazawal responds to A M Zargar's article


"I Forgive A. Majid Zargar"

Usually one feels honored to see his or her name mentioned in a newspaper, but the way Mr. Zargar evoked my name is a sad reflection of how fast the society in Kashmir is radicalizing and making bigotry fashionable (GK, 6 October 2010).

Mr. Zargar has attacked my position defending the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Kashmir during my meeting with the Indian Defense Minister, Mr. A. K. Antony, in Washington. But I never said what he claims I did. What I said was that "no provisions of the AFSPA should be diluted without further assessment and discussions."

I know that Mr. Zargar, and probably most of the majority community in the valley, may wish to see the harsh AFSPA disappear. I would wholeheartedly support such a campaign provided I am reasonably assured that withdrawal of such a law would not affect minorities in the valley (Pandits, Sikhs and Christians) adversely. It may not be a major concern to people like Mr. Zargar, but it is to people like me irrespective of how far I may or may not be living from my motherland.

The majority community in the valley, unfortunately, would like the rest of the world to believe that all is well with minorities in Kashmir even as their numbers are steadily declining. The narrative can be whatever the majority may choose, but Kashmir is an international issue and American, British, and European diplomats have an important say in Kashmir's future. So while the majority community may shy away from discussing political and economic rights of minorities in the valley, the major world powers are very much interested in hearing from Kashmir's minorities. Every diplomatic delegation visiting the valley meets with Pandits (including the American delegation that visited earlier this week), and my advice to Mr. Zargar and his cohorts is that the "resistance movement" is going nowhere without active support of minorities, and their support will depend on how far they are empowered and assured constitutionally and administratively that there is a future for them in the valley as equal stakeholders.

Interestingly, Mr. Zargar ignored the main reason for my call on Mr. Antony, which was to condemn an unpardonable act by the All Party Delegation (APD) from New Delhi which visited the valley but did not meet with valley Pandits in Srinagar due to a directive from the State Government. It is obvious that Mr. Zargar could not care less for his minority brethren, but would gladly stone me for something that meets his wishes.

Perhaps his soul feels a bit purer by such a medieval act. On my part, I forgive him. I hope he opens his heart and mind to appreciate and sympathize with concerns and insecurities experienced by the disfranchised and less fortunate in the valley. Even Amnesty International recognized that shortcoming during their recent visit to Srinagar, though it found no mention in local newspapers.

Sincerely,

Vijay Sazawal
Washington, DC
www.KashmirForum.org



http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/2010/Oct/6/i-want-to-pelt-a-stone-at--8.asp

I want to pelt a stone at …..

This week the targets of e-stones are Swapan Das Gupta, Vijay Sazawal, The Vehicle Owner and Traffic Constable:

FLIPSIDE BY ABDUL MAJID ZARGAR


Swapan Das Gupta:
Mr. Swapan Das Gupta is a known Columnist. Starting his career from The Statesman, he has worked in newspapers like The Times of India, The Telegraph” and The Indian Express before joining India Today. He is currently a freelancer and an avid blogger. Politically , he is considered close to the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Expressing his views on the recent visit of All Party Parliamentary Delegation to J& K, he writes in one of his Columns published in Deccan Chronicle that a civil Society group close to Hurriyat Conference also met the Delegation. The group he is referring to is one which made an honest & eloquent presentation of its views before the APD . The speakers chosen for the occasion were Dr. Hameeda Nayeem, an academician & social activist & Dr. Altaf Hussain Mufti, a renowned pediatrician of the valley. The former is wife of Nayeem Khan, the incarcerated Hurriyat (M) leader which prompted Mr. Das Gupta to label the Civil society group as close to “Hurriyat”
I would like to put a simple question to Mr. Das Gupta. When Phoolan Devi, the notorious

Bandit Queen was elected to Parliament and she rubbed shoulders with other Parliamentarians, did that make the august House close to groups in Chambal Valley? If not then how does association of a graceful lady with a group, her spouse’s views notwithstanding, make that group close to Hurriyat?

Let me add something for information of Mr. Das Gupta & journalists of his ilk. The factual presentation made by the Civil Society Group under reference was so persuasive, lucid & appealing that many important members of the delegation were visibly moved by knowing the facts. The Canards & falsehoods spread by crass & more-than-compliant Journalists based in New-Delhi under the false notion of patriotism fell apart like a pack of cards. It is rightly said that Patriotism is the last refuge of scoundrels & any act committed under its cover is called vandalism & not Journalism.
Mr. Swapan Das Gupta, therefore deserves a stone to be pelted at.

Vijay Sazawal:

Mr. Vijay Sazawal is a native Kashmiri Pandith Ji settled in USA. There he runs a Forum known as “Indo-American Kashmir Forum’- We are told that it is .an overseas organization of Kashmiri Pandiths. So far so good.
On the recent visit of Indian Defence Minister to USA, his forum submitted him a Memorandum profusely thanking him for not making desired amendments to AFPSA, which was even demanded by CM Omar Abdullah.

Vow-Pandith Ji, It stands to reason that your forum opposes the demand for “Azadi” to Kashmiris. Since there are numerous forums or organizations of Kashmiri Diaspora, which strongly advocate Azadi or freedom for Kashmir, your democratic right to oppose such demands is conceded to that extent.

But it is beyond one’s comprehension that a Kashmiri residing thousands of miles away from his native place opposes a change in law which is universally acknowledged as cannibalistic & brutally repressive. It is this Act which offers a shield to Indian Army to protect its delinquent men. Pathribal, Ganderbal & Machil fake encounters are glaring examples of that obnoxious shield.

Mr. Sazawal is neither effected by the application of this Act nor has any apparent reason (hidden reasons I do not know) to defend it. The only conclusion is that he suffers from a malady known as “economic bestowment of humanity & common sense”.

Mr. Vijay Sazawal, therefore deserves a stone to be pelted at.

Does the Hurriyat Understand the Challenge?

An Editorial in the Rising Kashmir challenges the Hurriyat to come up with a new political strategy that is dynamic and tailored to changing political landscape


Bunkers and Hurriyat

By pulling down bunkers Govt has confirmed the nonviolent nature of separatist movement; Hurriyat should think of a radical bargain strategy.

Pulling down of a security bunker by the very inhabitants of the bunker symbolizes peace and reconciliation. But the real task starts from where the demolition of the bunker ends.

The move may not evoke overwhelming applaud because such gestures in past have never moved beyond symbolism. However the step, if carried forward in tandem with political initiatives, is bound to create a real goodwill on ground. At a time when even the Chief Minister Omar Abdullah shares concern with separatists at least on troop-cut in Kashmir, New Delhi critically needs to translate such gestures into productive actions. Lot of symbolism in past has culminated on more trouble; this is the time when words flying down from Delhi should sound not just true but should also appear true on ground.

Removal of bunkers from populated areas is in fact part of the eight-point proposal that came up after at least forty lawmakers from India visited Kashmir at the height of political and administrative breakdown. This had been proposed by the all party delegation that recently visited the troubled Valley. Syed Ali Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar have yet again given out an ill-calibrated response. Rejecting anything or everything that comes from Delhi has been a wanton practice in Kashmir’s separatist politics. Rather than dismissing the removal of bunkers as eyewash the separatists should have welcomed it and thrown a challenge before the state government by identifying more such spots where they want a sort of ‘local demilitarization’.

True the state apparatus in J&K has an undemocratic and authoritarian demeanor but the separatist camp must do some rethink over the need to have a bargain strategy. States, they must understand, cannot be outsmarted by street campaigns. And, the states concede, neither to armed rebellions nor to street fighting. A strong state concedes only to a stronger state. However, by organizing enough moral isolation to the state, the people can force it to think. This much has been achieved by Geelani and the next step is to bargain. But the political culture Hurriyat has grown used to is not of bargain, it is of confrontation or tacit reconciliation. Even if New Delhi’s latest CBM in the form of removing some bunkers is not a sincere initiative, this could not be scotched by a handout. When you mark a transition from militancy to politics, the battle should define the collusion of ideas not egos. As compared to state government Hurriyat Conference enjoy social sanctity for variety of reasons. It should not, therefore, shy away from adopting a radical bargain strategy. The engagement with New Delhi should be unzipped from the confines of accepting or rejecting something. But, to acquire a bargain strategy the institution of dialogue has to be recognized in spite of past abortions. Syed Ali Geelani has already moved a step by proposing CBMs; he can walk an extra mile by pin pointing the security installation that need be removed. This would give credence to the process of conciliation and the authorities in Delhi would start thinking afresh on the CBMs that may be following.

The Power of the Separatist Agenda

Fayyaz from Srinagar: Every Kashmiri politician started his career with separatism and ended with a power deal in Delhi ......

(Mr. Ahmed Ali Fayyaz, 48, was born in Bodina, Budgam, and received his primary and secondary education in Budgam and later at Amar Singh College, Srinagar. He completed his Master's degree in Kashmiri language and literature from the University of Kashmir in 1987. After working with Rashtriya Sahara and Kashmir Times in 1993-94, and later for 13 years as Srinagar Bureau Chief of Daily Excelsior, he is woking as Resident Editor/ Srinagar Bureau Chief of Jammu-based English daily Early Times since April 2009. He is also a filmmaker whose forte in audio-visual media is Kashmir's composite culture, heritage, ecology and social issues. Since February 2008, he has been regularly anchoring Take One Television's bi-weekly hard talk show "Face To Face With Ahmed Ali Fayyaz" which is watched by more than three million viewers in Srinagar, Jammu and other urban areas of Jammu & Kashmir.)


Who is not a Separatist in Kashmir?

Srinagar: This is now a million dollar question to answer that who is not separatist in Kashmir after Chief Minister Omar Abdullah made his historic speech on the floor of assembly on October 6 . The points he (CM) justified on the floor of the state assembly were no different from what Syed Ali Shah Gillani and other separatist leaders have been raising for decades. In his speech, Omar clarified that calling Jammu and Kashmir state as an integral part of India commonly known as (Atoot Ang) was not correct as per the accession agreement . He also declared "Kashmir" as an international dispute which was the long pending demand of hard line Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Even in recent past, Geelani released his five point demands as precondition for restoring time being peace in the state. In his five points, accepting Kashmir as an international dispute was at the first number.

In fact, this is not some thing new in Kashmir politics. Looking back to the history of Kashmir since 1947 one finds that every Kashmiri politician started his career with separatism and ended with a power deal in Delhi . Let us start with the tallest leader of his times Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, grand father of present CM Omar Abdullah, who started his political career as separatist leader when he launched a movement against then Dogra family rule . Though he succeeded to get the people of the state liberated from the Dogra slavery but he continued his separatist attitude even after signing an accession pact with India. History says, when ever Sheikh Abdullah felt loosing his grip on the power by any means, he raised Kashmir issue by challenging the accession pact saying that the agreement with India was temporary . With this tactic, Sheikh always killed two birds with one stone . On one hand Sheikh made his electorates to realize that he was not puppet of Indian government and wanted to fight for "Azaadi" , an emotional slogan , on the other hand Sheikh used to send threatening signals to the government of India that if they ignored him,he could withdraw the accession pact . Not only, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah , even the other Kashmiri leaders who came in power in the state of Jammu and Kashmir on different platforms had their roots in separatism . For instance , Bakshi Gulam Mohammad who had been prime minister of the state after Sheikh was jailed was front runner leader of Sheikh's Muslim Conference which was later converted in to National Conference . Similarly , Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq and others were also members of Sheikh Abdullah's Muslim Conference in the early age of their politics . Muslim Conference was the first separatist organisation of the state which fought against the Dogra rule . However , it was converted in to National Conference in late thirties when India managed a power deal with Sheikh.

One can understand the sentiments of Kashmir constituency by taking the example of former Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Syeed. Although Mufti Mohammad Syeed enjoyed a portfolio of Union home minister in centre but he was never taken seriously by the Kashmiri people untill 1999 when he left Delhi and landed in Srinagar with a popular old Kashmiri slogan 'Kashmir Issue'. Playing tacit politics, Mufti pitched his fire brand daughter Mehbooba Mufti in the field with all freedom that matched with the sentiments of Kashmiris .She almost hijacked all slogans of Separatist amalgam Hurriyat Conference. And she succeed to install her 'PAPA' as CM of the state in 2002 which was the long cherished dream of senior Mufti Sahib . She continued her campaign and managed to grab almost double the seats in 2008 elections as compared to 2002.

So, this is not something new in the Kashmir politics that Chief Minister Omar Abdullah raised the Kashmir issue and declared accession of the state with country temporary . Observers are of the opinion that Omar raised this slogan after he felt the ground slipping under his feet and tried to give an impression to his electorates that he was not puppet of Delhi as was projected by his opponents in the past few months . It is also said that the separatist slogan was raised by CM Omar Abdullah after due permission from Delhi . Because , in the past few months Delhi used all its channels and means to bridge the alienation gap between Omar and common masses. And this is the part of Delhi strategy . Moreover , he also wanted to sideline his opposition PDP which was gaining support due to its Kashmir stand.

In fact, all the Kashmiri leaders have always exploited the people of the state in the name of Kashmir issue and AZADI just to reach at the power chair. For reasons apparent, it is very difficult to identify a single politician in Kashmir valley particularly who is not separatist . One can categorise them in various forms but can not ignore or overlook their separatist approach. Needless to mention there are three types of separatists in Kashmir. One, hard line separatists , moderate separatists and mainstream separatists . The hard line and moderate separatist both do not believe in Indian constitution , but the mainstream separatists are those who play separatist card only to achieve the power. One can put Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah in mainstream separatist category and there is no need to worry on their any slogan.

A Retrospect on the Kashmir's Premier Political Dynasty

Javid looks at the luster of the Abdullah family under a political glow of the new "maximum leader" of Kashmiri resistance

(Dr. Javid Iqbal, 64, was born in Srinagar. He attended the D.A.V. School, Srinagar, and graduated in Medicine from the Government Medical College (GMC). His professional service in medicine includes work in the Middle East for three decades. During his days at the GMC, he captained the cricket team. He enjoys writing and staying close to his children in far away lands.)

Abdullahs in Sunlight & Shade!

Abdullahs - once the premier political family of Kashmir has been in sunshine and shade, ever since Master Abdullah of MP School Srinagar strode on to the politico-religious stage in Jamia Masjid-the Grand Mosque in downtown Srinagar in early thirties of 20th century.

Eight decades have passed since that mega appearance and a gradual fall is apparent in political operation from the initial mega to macro and finally to micro level and with it the impact translating into a progressive shrinkage of political space.

As long as the patriarch of Abdullah’s lived, it was almost totally sunshine, irrespective of the fact whether he wielded State power or was a prisoner of those, who wielded power by proxy. He was politically too tall for anyone to aspire being even remotely related to the station he held. He was the focus, the nucleus, the very centre and whosoever made an attempt to get anywhere near got squeezed in some peripheral corner straining to breathe. Whenever or wherever he put a foot wrong, he was give the benefit of doubt by the people, whom he held in the palm of his hand. The benefit of doubt sprang from a genuine belief that it might be the leader’s tactic to carry forward the popular sentiment through a different channel. There might be room to agree with the sceptics who assign such mass adulation to ignorance and illiteracy, but then the patriarch’s spell was cast even on scores, who were literate. Barring a few isolated pockets, prominently Mirwaiz’s downtown constituency, the sway he held was almost total.

Patriarch of Abdullahs assumed the reins of leadership in colonial and authoritarian times. Autocracy in the Indian subcontinent became readily a tool of colonialism practiced worldwide.

Sheikh Abdullah emerged in an era of mass illiteracy, ignorance and tolerance for injustice. The Dogras of Jammu Durbar had taken over from Khalsa Durbar of Lahore [1819-1846] by virtue of 16th March 1846 infamous ‘Amritsar Treaty’. Khalsa Durbar had eased out the Afghans (1750-1819). Afghans came after a long spell of Mughal rule (1586-1750).

Kashmir’s tolerance for injustice, argue analyst was the result of oppression. Muslim majority area was systematically worn down in spirit, by rulers-Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

Sheikh Abdullah projected himself as the saviour of the people and won followers in droves. That he had heavy odds to counter is accepted by all and sundry and that he took on the adversaries head on stands accepted too; however with every passing year there is a growing tribe of sceptics who have started questioning his attempted resolve to provide a solution and meaningfully address pain and problem of Kashmir. There is alongside a group of analyst who still give him the benefit of doubt, their main argument in his defence being the power of forces he was arrayed against and the magnitude of the problems confronting him defying a solution in a single generation. As he passed on the baton to the generation next, calling upon his eldest son-a practising general practitioner in England to take over the reins of leadership, the people generally accepted that decision too, being used to follow his lead.

Farooq Abdullah presents an interesting analogy. Basher Asad, the Syrian president-London based practising ophthalmologist got a similar call from his father Hafiz Asad following the death in a car crash of first choice successor, the other son-Rauf Asad (analogous to Rajiv’s Taj-pooshi (crowning) following Sanjay’s air crash). Analogies multiply-life long associate and confidant-brother Riffat Asad, security chief-the guardian of the regime was overlooked on ‘son-rise’ a la Ghulam Mohammad Shah (patriarch’s son-in-law). Basher in West Asia and Farooq in South of the continent-practising doctors, abiding by a political family call denotes a phenomenon that should interest a historian, a political analyst, as also an expert in mass psychology to understand the impact on a polity in profession democratic, in practice authoritarian, yet acceptable.

Did Farooq honour the test reposed in him by the patriarch honoured by people in a voice vote, even popular endorsement in the first election following the death of his father? While as nearly a million people bid tearful adieu to the departed leader, they voted for his son, even while he defied a leader as powerful and vindictive as Indira Gandhi. He was ousted by none too desirable means and immediately was foisted on shoulders by the masses, believing that spirit of resistance to intrusion on Kashmir’s honour and integrity was up and alive. Alas! That was not to be, he started getting into alliances that he believed he could sell to masses. After all, he might have reasoned if the patriarch could change course and make the change sink and stick, so could he! He was mistaken, the patriarch had invested for decades in the trust he had developed with his people. As his son in early sixties, Farooq in his formative years as doctor in SMHS hospital tested the political turf of Abdullah’s and found it to be one; he could bat on with impunity. Those were the days when many of us had just joined GMC Srinagar and the new star of Abdullah’s cast a spell over us, as he got into midst of movement for recovery of ‘Relic of Holy Prophet’ lifted from its sanctum sanctorum in Hazratbal. Farooq eventually left for England, returning to take the family call-attributed often to be the national call-an abiding South Asian phenomenon, fast picking in West Asian-Basher Asad and Saif Qadafi being examples.

Power taken to be an instrument constituting means to an end translates popular aspiration into institutionalized mechanism of meaningful action, evolving into public welfare. Sheikh Abdullah might have been tempted by its trappings, even leaned towards forces not wholly desirable in popular perception, in the belief that in taking a contrary course, he might not be allowed to exercise it in the manner he desired. There are those who argue that his feeling of insecurity might have been misplaced, give his massive political investment-difficult to ignore even by forces perceived by him to be inimical to his own or his people’s interests. He was prone to equate the two and given the trust of his people, who dare say he was wrong! Whatever the take of it, when he did exercise unbridled power, he came up with innovative ideas-land to tiller being a masterstroke, which stuck to popular imagination. Land to tiller added to the popular perception of representing a sentiment, described endearingly as Kashmiriyat-the cultural ethos of Kashmir earned him the love and respect of his people.

It lasted to an extent-as long as the designated successor was perceived to toeing the line. The movement exercise of power became an end in itself by the ones who followed the patriarch and the errors of omission and commission piled up, there was a gradual change in public perception. Particularly so when chinks in the political armour of Abdullah’s left the popular sentiment easy to hijack by others, sunshine turned to shade. The giant stride of Abdullah’s on Kashmir’s political panorama turned into fits and starts. Attainment of power through means questionable in public perception and continuation through tailored democratic practices is fast putting in shade the ‘House of Abdullahs’. The very fact of ‘third generation Abdullah’ asking for a vote to simply run an administration and not for resolution of the six decades old ‘K’ issue speaks volumes. Doesn’t it amount to an admission that ‘while others may represent the sentiment, restricted municipal powers of running a state may be entrusted to our kind care’?! It is a difficult take for greying generation who have grown in times when the sun shone on ‘House of Abdullahs’ a fact nevertheless as Kashmir gets galvanized to what is increasingly being termed as ‘Geelanisation’ a new phenomenon in Kashmir!

A Kashmiri Perspective: Azadi Can Cut Both Ways

Bhushan argues for revival of the Kashmiriyat, but reminds Kashmiris that one community's demand for Azadi will justify the other community's desire to seek a Homeland

(Mr. Bhushan Lal Saraf, 65, was born in Batapora, Shopian. He finished his schooling from the Government Higher Secondary School in Shopian, and completed his professional degrees in B.Sc. (Hons.), Diploma L.L.B., and KCS (Judicial) from the University of Jammu and Kashmir, and from the University of Lucknow. Mr. Saraf retired as a Principal District & Sessions Judge. He is presently an Honorary Member of the J&K State Consumer Commission. He has authored a book, "New Lexicon for the Kashmiris," published by UPS in New Delhi. In his leisure time, Judge Saraf, provides complimentary legal counselling, campaigns for legal awareness, and enjoys reading and writing.)

KP's: Beyond Despair and Extinction

“More than any other time in history mankind faces a crossroad. One path leads to despair and utter helplessness. The other, to total extinction. Let us pray we have the wisdom to choose correctly.” Woody Allen – Side Effects.

The scenario has ungainly moved towards a denouement. The stated positions may not hold good for long. Therefore, it is time for Kashmiri Pandits to look politically incorrect and bid good bye to the academic jargon and politician’s rhetoric. Both have brought them no dividends. Contrarily, they worked to their disadvantage. Some kind of rethinking is required. Or else, let them be ready to face collapse.

A Kashmiri Pandit had a country –a home, which no doubt still exists in the map but he can not go there. Why? Twenty years forced exile is sufficient for him to ponder over and explore the possibilities of going home. Because, there is no home like a home. Alas the task is uphill! Has he to choose from despair and extinction only? Should path to his home lead him to helplessness and finally to his extinction?. Isn’t there a better way out? As the events unfold in the Valley, two possible situations confront a Kashmiri migrant. One, the continuation of the status quo and present political stalemate, and the other that some degree of autonomy/self rule is granted to meet aspirations of a section of the Valley populace . One may, though, assume a 3rd scenario, as well, where the Indian State cover is completely withdrawn. A good number of Kashmiris want so. However, there is a perceptible difference in approach of the Kashmiris who want to opt out of India. Votaries of accession to Pakistan, although substantial in number, are fewer than supporters of independent Kashmir .Latter include those who previously were the followers of Sheikh Abdullah. There may be many a contradiction in the mind of a Kashmiri Pandit as to how he should come out of the present, unfortunate, predicament. But he can not conceive of a situation where he is asked to live in the Valley, beyond the ambit of Constitution of India.

Nevertheless, Kashmiri Pandit would do well to bear in mind that India is eyeing a global role for her- self. The situation in Kashmir is proving Albatross around her neck .So long as Kashmir is on the boil and young get killed the country would feel, seriously, handicapped to play such a role. So, it is imperative for India to look inwards. Some day it may lighten the burden on her conscience. Political engagement is desperately needed to come out of the imbroglio. How could it be done? By meeting aspirations of a section of the local populace, at least, and redeeming some of the pledges made time to time.

In case Kashmiri Pandits hope to live in Kashmir under umbrella of the Indian State and be ruled by the Constitution of India, then there is no escape from a mutual co-existence with the Kashmiri Muslims-whether liked or not. Apart from that, they will have to submit to the Doctrine of Democracy, which encompasses in itself an idea of rule by the majority. It cannot ignore majority votes as part of its total structure. Well, the Kashmiri Pandits can hope and demand that the Kashmiri Muslims and the State Rulers see democracy in terms of capacity to enrich reasoned engagement and, as said, “judge it by the extent to which different sections of the people can actually be heard “.

Kashmiri Pandit must be given a statutorily assured share in the political executive and the state legislature Next, the Kashmiri Pandits will do better to remember that the undercurrent of sub- nationalism exists in every province of the country. Be it emphasis on Marathi Manus, Gujrati Asmita, Andhra Bida or claimed cultural supremacy of the Tamils- not to speak of peculiar North Eastern assertion. It just can not be wished away. So, we cannot turn a blind eye to the Kashmiri sub- nationalism. There is none other than a KP to know it better. For, what is he if not a Kashmiri Pandit He feels pride in prefixing the word ‘Kashmiri’ to his religious denomination to assert his unique identity, which he claims to be protected.

George Bernard Shaw and E M Forester included, many have their own definitions of the patriotism. It could not be straitjacketed. Patriotism, sometimes, is a collective responsibility. One may discharge it by refraining from floating unsolvable ideas. The principles of federalism and democracy are embedded in the Constitution of India. Article 1 recognizes the States as units and not mere administrative divisions. The normal rule of the democracy is self –governance, according to the wishes of the people. In S.R Bommai case ( A I R 1994 SC 1918) the Apex Court observed, “ Our society is, among other things, multilingual, multi-ethnic and multicultural …. It is in keeping with said promises, that the States eventually have come to be organized, broadly, on linguistic, ethnic and cultural basis. The people in every State desire to fulfill there own aspirations through self- governance within the frame work of the Constitution .” (paras 65&68). Nevertheless, the Apex Court has a lesson for the separatists to learn. It says, “Federalism envisaged in the Constitution of India is a basic feature in which Union of India is permanent within the territorial limits set in Article 1 of the Constitution and is indestructible ……. The status qua the Constitution is federal in structure and independent in exercise of legislative and executive power. However, being the creature of the Constitution the State has no right to secede or claim sovereignty ….” ( para 182) . Analyze this legal position in juxtaposition with the present day globally held thought, which abhors change of the boarders by force, the writing is on the wall for the separatists to read.

This has to be understood in proper perspective and a particular background that it will not pay us to bear the cross of Indian nationalism at the cost of local psyche. Nor is it advisable for the KPs to be the standard bearers of all that may not be good in the Indian state policies and practices. On the positive side, they will be free of suspicion of being Indian agents. Though, Indian citizen they will always prefer to be. Let us think for a while what are the KPs in the eyes of India and where do they figure in country’s permutations and combinations.

History of the past 62 years tells that they have been, mainly, treated as a captive vote base- with out granting the benefits of vote bank- by the so called national parties and, sometimes, as tools to bargain peace with the non conformist elements ,or to counter them whenever a need arose. At times the KPs were showcased as victims of the rabid religiosity. Often, they were politically and emotionally blackmailed to suffer the cause of the ‘Nation’. Never did the Indian state or the national political parties genuinely care for this miniscule minority. To them, the community was a foot- ball to be kicked here and there to score a political goal against the opponents and use it for their narrow political conveniences.

Then we come to a scenario where the State of J &K won’t have the Indian cover. KPs claim to his place of birth will, in no case, lapse. He can ask for his geographic and political share in the Valley as being the aborigine. The KPs may not choose to live in a geo political set up which is woven in a particular theological matrix. A cry is heard rising from the Valley “go back India - quit India “ . A parallel is drawn between the freedom movement of India against the Britishers and the present agitation in the Valley. The British left India.

But divided the sub continent on the diabolical principle of “Two Nation Theory “ on a flawed premise that the Muslims cannot co- exist with the Hindus . ( Creation of Bangladesh nailed the theory ) The decision to divide India owed its origin to the fostered discord between Hindus and the Muslims. Indian Muslims were given a homeland in the shape of Pakistan. For many, the agitation in the Kashmir is religion driven and is a repeat of what Jinnah did before independence in 1947 . (Some honorable exceptions may be there).

Logically, a distinction stands drawn between the two communities. If the Kashmiri Muslims don’t prefer to live in coexistence with the Indians -who are mostly non- Muslims -- the non -Muslim Kashmiri minority could feel justified in adopting the demand of Mr Jinnah raised at the departure of the British. If Jinnah could say about undivided India, “ It is a sub continent composed of nationalities “ and demand a separate homeland for Muslim Indians, same could be said about Kashmir . Unfortunately, a stage would then seem to have been reached from where the KPs shall be compelled to bid good bye to the Kashmiriat. How can one hold on to it when there is a failure of trust between Hindus and the Muslims . In that event, there is no alternative for the KPs except a separate homeland . More so, if the Kashmiri Muslims insist on looking to West Asia rather to South Asia. KPs claim is more than justified as being the aborigines of the land.